Conflict-induced displacement

Saharawi refugee at his family tent in Smara by Nilu Izadi

The events triggered by the Moroccan and Mauritanian invasions of Western Sahara at the end of 1975, are directly linked to the large displacement of the Saharawi population, most of whom live as refugees in south-west Algeria. The major bulk of Saharawis became refugees after Moroccan planes bombed civilian camps in the interior of Western Sahara with banned napalm and cluster bombs in the early months of 1976. At that point, it became evident that the Polisario resistance forces were ill equipped to protect ordinary Saharawis. The south-western desert region near Tindouf offered a potential safe region in Algeria.

The next Saharawi exodus, although on a smaller scale, took place in 1979 when Mauritania withdrew from the conflict and Morocco annexed the rest of Western Sahara. Exact figures cannot be provided for the numbers that fled the territory in those two waves, but the current size of the population in the refugee camps is believed to be in the region of 165,000. Used by the Algerian government, this figure is the most widely quoted by NGOs and is also used by the UNHCR and the World Food Programme (WFP) to raise funds for food aid to the refugees. In the 2004 WFP meeting in Rome, the number of refugees was officially recognized at 158,000.

Apart from individual cases of Saharawis successfully escaping the repressive Moroccan occupation, there has been relatively little forced population movement since 1979. According to the Saharawi Red Crescent Society, relatively small numbers have arrived safely to the camps since 1976. Ironically, fear of Moroccan infiltrators and spies meant that these Saharawis were often initially treated with suspicion and hostility.

The refugee camps in SW Algeria provide a temporary base for the  Saharawi government in exile  which is recognized by over 80 countries. In the camps there are 19 ministries, 3 of which are headed by women. 23% of elected members of parliament are also women. Due to the harsh and extreme desert climate the refugees are largely dependent on aid food to survive, although they can also buy food from local markets. Food aid is often irregular and insufficient generally covering only a 1/3 of nutritional requirements. Health is universally accessible and there are 4 regional hospitals and a national one.  Most diseases are related to the extreme climate and poor nutrition.

Website: World Food Programme (WFP) – http://www.wfp.org/index.asp?section=7_1

The Saharawi refugees in south-west Algeria

Like the vast majority of refugees in the world, the Saharawis in the camps are mostly made up of women, children, and the elderly. According to recent research, 59% of the population is under 18 years old (2010, Chatty).The main difference in this case, however, is that the Saharawi refugees themselves have been the ones running their own affairs and organizing camp life with little outside interference. This has been partly due to the willingness of their Algerian hosts to grant the Saharawis a degree of autonomy on their land. But equally important, the Polisario have, from the start of exile, set out to prepare the population for a future independent Western Sahara. With the self- proclamation of the Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic on February 27, 1976, it  began the project of building all the trappings of a state, but in exile. As a result, much emphasis has been placed on developing human resources and striving for self-reliance. The refugees are indeed dependent on food and other essential aid for survival; however, organizations like the UNHCR that provide assistance to the camps have never run any programs there, in contrast to the case in Palestine, for example.

The Saharawi refugees are located in one of the most hostile and barren deserts of the world, in the remote south-western corner of Algeria, near the town of Tindouf. They are organized into four large camps called wilayas. Each wilaya is named after a main town in Western Sahara. These in turn are divided into six or seven dairas, which are each made up of four neighbourhoods. Every daira has its own primary school, health clinic, and administration. Between 6,000 and 8,000 refugees live in each daira. These days, most of the children are sent abroad to continue their studies after primary school. For the adults, there are numerous vocational centres, including four for women that offer training in subjects such as information technology (IT) and languages. There are also centres for mentally handicapped children in each camp that have been set up in recent years, to help them become self-reliant and change negative attitudes towards them in the society. There are also reinvigorated efforts to cultivate food after a period of decline, and a large garden of around 16 hectares has been established in the most distant camp, called Dakhla, which is more vulnerable to shortages.

Remarkably, during this period  of forced exile, the Saharawi refugees have managed to practically eradicate illiteracy, which stood at 95 per cent in 1975. Women have also made impressive strides. They have played a key role in running camp life from the earliest days when the men were away at the warfront. Over the years, they have acquired skills and training in a wide range of professions that go well beyond traditional female realms. This has been possible because girls as much as boys have enjoyed equal educational opportunities. Many girls have been sent abroad on scholarships, sometimes for long periods of time, to receive university degrees. For a historically conservative, nomadic, Muslim society, this is quite radical.

Websites:

New Internationalist: ‘Western Sahara: The Facts’ – http://www.newint.org/issue297/facts.html

Bhatia, M. ‘Western Sahara under Polisario Control: Summary Report of Field Mission to the Sahrawi Refugee Camps (near Tindouf, Algeria)’ – http://www.arso.org/bhatia2001.htm

Resources: Chatty D, 2010. Deterritorialized Youth, Saharawi and Afghan refugees at the margins of the Middle East, Studies in Forced Migrations. Vol 29

Aid & Development

Dire political developments in Algeria and overshadowing events in the world since 1991 have affected the flow and reliability of vital aid to the refugee camps. The OAU–UN Settlement Plan and the uncertainty of its outcome have also had a negative impact. Humanitarian agencies have been reluctant to commit any substantial long-term aid for badly needed development projects because of the possibility that the Saharawis would be returning home. Significantly, as the Polisario could no longer rely on Algeria for the bulk of aid—it had its own economic crisis—it had to turn mostly to Europe for the survival needs of the refugees. This presented an opportunity for Morocco to influence European sources and politicize a humanitarian reality.

Indeed, food aid has been precarious over the past decade, and malnutrition has skyrocketed. In 2002, the WFP claimed that the refugees faced the prospects of obtaining only 11 per cent of their daily nutritional requirements; and a study showed that 35 per cent of the children suffered from chronic malnutrition, while 13 per cent were acutely malnourished. Stunting of children’s growth was widespread. The special needs of pregnant and lactating mothers were also severely affected. As an example of a protracted refugee situation, the Saharawis are susceptible to being overlooked by the international community, and the budgets for vital food programs like WFP, UNHCR, and the European Commission’s Humanitarian Aid Office (ECHO) have been subject to slashes at a time when the population is growing. The alarm bells in early 2004 were finally heard, and food aid has been boosted temporarily.

For those Saharawi refugees with financial means, food shortages have been supplemented by burgeoning markets in the camps. This is a relatively new phenomenon. All kinds of small shops and services are available, and making money has become a driving force. The downside, of course, is that a gap is emerging between the ‘haves’ and ‘have-nots’ in a way that was not evident before. Until the early 1990s, there was no economy and no circulation of money in the camps. Affairs were conducted on an exchange basis: the refugees received their essential food and housing needs through the Polisario, and had access to free education and health care. In return, they worked without salary according to their capacity in the various sectors of camp life. With the need to prepare for independence, however, it has become important to reintroduce and develop an economic system, albeit a limited one.