Saharawi culture and society must be considered from two different perspectives as the people of Western Sahara have been living apart for over 35 years: In the occupied territory, the Saharawi culture has been highly affected by the permeation of Moroccan traditions and values; in the liberated zone, the Saharawis have been living in temporary refugee camps, dependent on humanitarian aid and attempting to perpetuate a distinct Saharawi society under these extraordinary conditions.

- Culture & Society in Western Sahara

- Culture & Society in Exile

Prior to the Moroccan occupation of Western Sahara, various Saharawi tribes made up the primary ethnic group inhabiting the territory. A Spanish census conducted in 1974 put the size of the overall Saharawi population at just under 75,000. There is no indication of Moroccan settlers in the census. Although Spanish Sahara was a province of Spain, it did not become a settler colony like French Algeria. Saharawi culture and society remained largely intact and nomadic throughout most of the colonial period. But in the late 1960s and early 1970s, consecutive droughts forced substantial numbers of Saharawis to abandon animal husbandry and settle in the Spanish-built cities to subsist on colonial handouts. This trend of urbanization had an impact on the culture, especially on young people, who began to adopt Spanish dress and cultural tastes.

Saharawi culture and identity represents a distinctive combination of Berber, Arab, and African traits and shares many similarities with Mauritanian society. The form of dress, music, and dance point to strong African roots, while the spoken language (Hassaniya), the poetic tradition, and the religion have been shaped by the successive Arab Muslim invasions in the region over the centuries. Nevertheless, the Islam practiced by the Saharawis betrays Berber nomadic influences, especially with regard to women, as they enjoy a prominent social status and are able to re-marry freely without social prejudice.

Since the Moroccan annexation, the Saharawis have become a minority within their own land. This is due to a deliberate policy to Moroccanize Western Sahara and make the occupation irreversible. Between 1975 and 1991, large numbers of settlers came from northern Morocco, drawn by strong economic incentives. Following the period of the OAU–UN Settlement Plan from 1991, the Moroccan government brought in more Moroccans as well as tens of thousands of ‘pro-Moroccan’ ethnic Saharawis from the Tarfaya region. Living like virtual refugees, they have been set up in large wahda (unity) camps on the outskirts of Laayoune and Smara and were supposed to participate in the referendum, which has yet to take place.

For some parts of the territory, disparities in the population growth evidence a continuing and rapid influx of Moroccan settlers. In smaller towns like Boujdour and Dakhla, the rate is 4.8 per cent, whereas the national average is just over 2 per cent. According to the US State Department, estimated figures for the overall population size in the occupied territory range from 260,000 to 400,000. The latter figure was quoted by Le Monde in 2002, while statistics offered by local Moroccan authorities suggest something in between. These approximate figures do not take into account the large presence of the Moroccan army in Western Sahara nor the extensive web of security forces.

Exact demographic breakdowns are difficult to obtain. Moroccan authorities have little interest in distinguishing between the native Saharawis and the Moroccan settlers. For the most part the population lives in towns: the range varies from 95 per cent for the Laayoune region to 60 per cent for the Smara part of the Goulimine-Smara region. Based on anecdotal evidence and the initial UN figure of 46,255 eligible Saharawi voters on the occupied side, it is reasonable to extrapolate that there are at least 90,000 indigenous Saharawis in the territory. Various observers and informal sources estimate that the Saharawis are outnumbered by Moroccans by three to one.

There is virtually no integration between the Moroccan settler population and the indigenous Saharawis. Marriages between the two communities have not been known to occur. Any interaction that does take place is almost solely out of necessity. Education, of course, is an inevitable realm of interface and is a site of cultural contest (Shelley 2004). All the schools are Moroccan-run and are overwhelmingly staffed by Moroccan teachers. From early on, Saharawi students experience a divergence between the taught curricula history and the oral history related at home, and become aware of differences in customs and culture. Officially, the school attendance rate is high. But many Saharawi families maintain that the drop-out rate for their children is steep because of all the corollary costs involved in sending them to school.

Language

Hassaniya {pronunciation} is a unique blend of Arabic, Spanish, and tribal dialects that has become an important means of communicating and expressing the Saharawi identity. {speech sample of a simple introduction}

During the Spanish colonization, many Saharawis learned to speak Spanish. Ever since Morocco, a former French colony, has been occupying parts of Western Sahara, the administrative language French has been commonly spoken by Saharawi men and women. Spanish is no longer accepted in schools, shops and public places in the occupied terrain; increasingly, neither is Hassaniya.

{link to Youtube playlist “Saharawi culture}